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Epstein Brokered Barak’s UAE and Mongolia Deals with Secret Emails Until 2017 – Why Do Israel and the US Still Turn a Blind Eye? l

January 20, 2026 by hoangle Leave a Comment

Leaked emails from 2025 hacks expose a stunning secret: even after Jeffrey Epstein’s 2008 conviction for procuring underage girls, the convicted sex offender served as former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak’s trusted broker—quietly arranging high-stakes backchannel deals with the United Arab Emirates and Mongolia right up to 2017.

In 2013, Epstein pitched and coordinated multiple meetings between Barak and UAE billionaire Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem (CEO of DP World and close aide to Dubai’s ruler), pushing investments and leveraging early UAE-Israel ties that foreshadowed the Abraham Accords. Meanwhile, from 2013 to 2016, Epstein orchestrated behind-the-scenes coordination for Barak’s visit to Mongolia, facilitating a security cooperation agreement between Israel and the resource-rich nation—complete with introductions to top officials and advice on defense tech exports.

These intimate, daily messages show Epstein as Barak’s indispensable fixer for global diplomacy and business—yet in January 2026, Israel and the US have launched no serious investigation into these ties.

Why do governments continue to ignore such explosive, documented connections to the world’s most infamous sex trafficker?

The Shadow Diplomacy: Epstein’s Role as Barak’s Backchannel Broker

Leaked emails from the 2025 Handala hack, published via Distributed Denial of Secrets and analyzed by outlets like Drop Site News, reveal that Jeffrey Epstein continued serving as a key fixer for former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak well after his 2008 conviction for procuring a minor for prostitution. Spanning 2013 to 2017, the intimate, often daily correspondence shows Epstein orchestrating high-stakes backchannel diplomacy and business deals on Barak’s behalf—activities that intertwined personal gain with Israeli security interests.

In 2013, Epstein pitched and coordinated multiple meetings between Barak and UAE billionaire Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, CEO of DP World and a close aide to Dubai’s ruler Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. Epstein described Sulayem as “the right hand of Maktoum” and pushed for investments, leveraging nascent UAE-Israel ties. These backchannel efforts, including attempts to facilitate Emirati funding in Israeli firms like Carbyne (where Epstein invested around $1 million via Barak), foreshadowed the formal Abraham Accords signed in 2020. Epstein even shared lewd jokes with Sulayem while advancing these connections.

Simultaneously, from 2013 to 2016, Epstein played a behind-the-scenes role in Barak’s engagement with Mongolia. In April 2013, shortly after stepping down as Israel’s Defense Minister, Barak visited Ulaanbaatar to meet President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj and senior security officials. Epstein coordinated introductions, advised on defense technology exports, and helped broker a formal security cooperation agreement between Israel and the resource-rich Central Asian nation. Epstein’s network, including figures like economist Larry Summers (recruited for a Mongolian advisory board), facilitated purchases of Israeli surveillance and military tech, blending diplomacy with business opportunities tied to Barak’s ventures.

These revelations build on broader patterns: Barak’s dozens of visits to Epstein’s properties, private jet flights, and Epstein’s advisory role in other deals involving drones, oil empires, and African security contracts (e.g., Côte d’Ivoire). The emails portray Epstein as indispensable—arranging elite access, drafting messaging, and bridging intelligence-adjacent networks—even as his criminal record was public.

Yet, as of January 2026, neither the United States nor Israel has initiated a serious criminal investigation into these ties. Barak has denied any involvement in Epstein’s sex crimes, describing their relationship as purely professional and expressing regret only after Epstein’s 2019 death. No direct evidence links Barak to abuse or trafficking.

The lack of scrutiny stems from interlocking protections. Barak’s stature as a former IDF chief, defense minister, and Mossad affiliate grants significant insulation in Israel, where the scandal has fueled political attacks (e.g., by rivals like Benjamin Netanyahu) but not independent probes. Geopolitically, these connections overlap with sensitive Israeli intelligence operations: early UAE engagement, surveillance tech exports, and backchannels to Russia (on Syria) and Africa. Investigating Barak risks exposing covert networks that advanced national security and economic goals.

The Epstein web’s vast scale—implicating hundreds of elites—further dilutes accountability, with prosecutions limited to core participants. Evidentiary challenges persist: while the emails document influence peddling and diplomacy, they fall short of proving criminal complicity in trafficking for figures like Barak.

Ultimately, governments appear to prioritize strategic interests and elite impunity over probing these explosive, documented links to one of history’s most notorious sex traffickers.

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